50 years of dreaming
Wednesday 28th August 2013 marks the 50th Anniversary of Revd. Dr Martin Luther King Jnr's famous "I have a dream" speech.
I wonder in what ways we need contemporary Dr Kings to rise up and speak on behalf of those who remain marginalised, neglected, denied their human rights, and left languishing in the misery of unkept promises.
As a mark or respect, and in honour of possibly the greatest Baptist preacher ever, I reproduce his most famous speech below.
I am
happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest
demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five
score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand, signed
the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon
light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of
withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of
captivity.
But 100 years later,
we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred
years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of
segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the
Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of
material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in
the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.
And so we've come here today to
dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital
to cash a cheque. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent
words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were
signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note
was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of
"Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness."
It is obvious today that America has defaulted
on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of colour are concerned.
Instead of honouring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people
a bad cheque which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we
refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe
that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this
nation. So we've come to cash this cheque - a cheque that will give us upon
demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to
this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.
This is no time to
engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of
gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of
segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our
nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of
brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's
children.
It would be fatal
for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of
the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating
autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. Those who
hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have
a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.
There will be neither rest nor
tranquillity in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The
whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until
the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must
say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace
of justice: in the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty
of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by
drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our
struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our
creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must
rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvellous new militancy which
has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white
people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here
today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.
They have come to realise that their freedom is inextricably bound to our
freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we
shall march ahead. We cannot turn back.
There are those who are
asking the devotees of civil rights: "When will you be satisfied?" We
can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable
horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies,
heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the
highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the
Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never
be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed
of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be
satisfied and we will not be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot
vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no,
we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down
like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and
tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you
have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the
storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have
been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that
unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to
Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and
ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and
will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of
despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and
frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted
in the American dream.
I
have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true
meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men
are created equal.
I
have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves
and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at a
table of brotherhood.
I
have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state,
sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into
an oasis of freedom and justice.
I
have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where
they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their
character.
I
have a dream today!
I
have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its
governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and
nullification; one day right there in Alabama little black boys and little
black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls
as sisters and brothers.
I
have a dream today!
I
have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and
mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the
crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be
revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This
is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this
faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.
With
this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation
into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to
work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together,
to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This
will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able
to sing with a new meaning: "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of
liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's
pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be
a great nation, this must become true.
And
so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California.
But
not only that.
Let
freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi, from every
mountainside, let freedom ring!
And
when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from
every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be
able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men,
Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and
sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: "Free at last! Free at last!
thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
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